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How About a Cap-and-Trade Dividend?
Robert B. Reich
Wall Street Journal, June 4, 2008
The Lieberman-Warner cap-and-trade bill is going nowhere. Even in the unlikely
event Congress passes it, President Bush has said he will veto the measure,
and there aren't nearly enough votes to override. So the real action commences
on Jan. 20, 2009, when a new administration takes over. Barack Obama is on
record in favor of cap and trade. And so, significantly, is John McCain.
In fact, Sen. McCain has been among the strongest backers of the Lieberman-Warner
bill. Last October, he said he was "bitterly disappointed" by U.S.
inaction on climate change so far. "The Europeans implemented a cap-and-trade
system; they stumbled and had their problems, but it is still the right thing
to do," he said.
So it's a certainty that we'll have a president next year who wants to
address global warming by imposing an overall cap on U.S. carbon emissions.
The "trade" part
of the equation would allow companies finding efficient ways to cut emissions
to sell the unused portions of their permits to others.
Sen. Obama's proposal is more ambitious than Sen. McCain's in terms of
how fast the overall cap would drop. But the biggest difference between
Messrs.
McCain and Obama is how the permits would be allocated. Mr. McCain's
proposal would initially give out most of them for free to the nation's
biggest
emitters of greenhouse gases. This does have some logic to it: after
all, as the overall
cap tightens each year, the biggest polluters will face the largest challenges
in cutting emissions.
By contrast, Mr. Obama has proposed allocating the
permits through an auction. Under his proposal, every company -- large
or small -- would
have to buy
the rights to emit greenhouse gases. As a result, the biggest emitters
would have
to pay the most -- thereby providing them with the greatest incentive
to cut emissions right from the start. In economic terms, such a
carbon auction
is
the equivalent of a carbon tax, and it makes more sense than a system
that allocates permits on the basis of how much greenhouse gas a
company or
industry already emits. Companies and industries that impose the
largest social costs
in terms of such emissions should be given the greatest incentives
to cut costs immediately.
Moreover, carbon auctions invite far less political maneuvering. Setting
initial allocations by emissions invites every big corporation and
industry to fight
for the biggest possible allocation and claim the largest emissions.
Despite Mr. McCain's avowed determination to reduce the influence
of lobbyists
in Washington, the resulting free- for-all would be a bonanza for
K Street.
In fact, one likely result would be the issuance of so many permits
as to break the overall cap. This is one reason why cap-and-trade
hasn't worked very well
in Europe so far. Since the European Union adopted the system three
years
ago, carbon emissions are actually up by several percentage points.
The EU
gave
initial permits away for free, and many companies discovered clever
ways to grab even more of them than their previous emissions would
warrant.
Mr. McCain hasn't completely ruled out a carbon auction. In fact,
the Lieberman-Warner bill he supports would auction off some
permits --
at first a few, and
more as time goes on. Over the life of the bill, half of the
permits would be
handed out for free, half by auction.
But carbon auctions raise
another problem when it comes to Washington. Revenues from the auctions
are likely to be fish bait to industries
that might qualify
for some of them. Sen. Joe Lieberman estimates that the market
value of all permits under his bill would be about $7 trillion
by 2050.
That sum
would
go into what he calls a Climate Change Credit Corporation, which,
operating outside
the budget process, would invest in various plans for developing
alternative energy. You can bet that lobbyists for ethanol, nuclear
and "clean" coal
are already salivating at the prospect of a similar fund emerging
from a bill championed by a President McCain or President Obama.
That's why it's important that all revenues from carbon auctions
be cycled back to citizens. And rather than launch another
endless debate
over
how and to whom -- a payroll tax cut for people earning under
the median wage,
or a
cut in capital gains? -- it would be well to agree to the simplest
possible formula: Every adult citizen should receive an equal
share. If the carbon
auction yields $150 billion in the first year, for example,
each of America's 150 million
adult citizens should receive a Treasury check that year of
$1,000.
Such direct and simple repayments deal with another problem.
Although the balance of economic studies suggest that the cost
of a cap-and-trade
system
will be
modest, inevitably some costs will be involved and be passed
along to consumers who are already walloped by high fuel and
food costs
and who
will be in
no mood to accept even modest additional price increases. Hence,
the yearly dividend checks will be a welcome offset.
Our atmosphere
belongs to all of us. It seems only reasonable that corporations
should have to pay to use it. The citizens
of Alaska
and Alberta, Canada,
get yearly dividends from the oil companies that take away
their natural resources.
Why shouldn't the same principle apply when industries use
the biggest common resource of all?
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